Tehran is entering a period of decisive and eventful weeks.
To its west, the European Troika (comprising Britain, France, and Germany) sent a letter to the UN Security Council last Thursday, August 28th, requesting the activation of the “snapback mechanism” to reimpose UN sanctions on Iran.
To its east, President Masoud Pezeshkian has been invited to China to attend the upcoming Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit and to participate in commemorations of the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II.
Alongside this multilateral gathering, Pezeshkian is scheduled to meet the presidents of China, Russia, Pakistan, and other key leaders.
Although some in Iran traditionally view the SCO as primarily a security-centered platform—a reflection of its origins—its agenda has expanded substantially.
Founded in 1996 by China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, the organization initially aimed at balancing U.S. and NATO influence in Central Asia. Today, however, the SCO is formally described as a forum for multilateral security, political, and economic cooperation.
Why This Summit Matters?
The summit in China carries particular importance for three reasons:
- A world shaken by U.S. unilateralism.
Over the past year, American policy has unsettled the international system through the use of tariffs, contradictory positions, and attempts to undermine multilateral institutions. These unilateral pressures have prompted many states to examine forums like the SCO more closely, which emphasize multipolar cooperation.
- The Chinese factor.
Hosting the summit in Beijing is significant at a time when Washington is weaponizing its economic power. China, now the world’s second-largest economy, is widely projected to overtake the United States within the next five years if growth trends continue.
For many countries, including U.S. allies in Europe, deepening economic ties with China is no longer optional but a necessity.
- Tehran’s resilience.
This summit is the first major international gathering attended by an Iranian president since the recent Israeli–U.S. military offensive against Iran, which failed to achieve its objectives. At a time when some think tanks had prematurely speculated on a “post-Iran scenario,” Iran’s very participation underscores that the Islamic Republic remains far stronger and more resilient than its adversaries believed.
The SCO meeting will be attended not only by full members but also by 10 observer states and 10 leaders of regional and international organizations, including the UN Secretary-General.
President Pezeshkian’s bilateral meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping will be closely watched, though most details may remain undisclosed. It is clear, however, that beyond economic cooperation, the two sides will discuss strategies to counter European attempts to trigger the snapback mechanism.
The Snapback Dispute:
The European Troika’s move is the culmination of threats made since the early days of the Pezeshkian administration. Even under former U.S. President Donald Trump, Washington sought to invoke the mechanism after unilaterally withdrawing from the JCPOA nuclear deal, but was barred from doing so due to its own exit from the agreement.
Europe, unable to secure Iran’s economic benefits under the JCPOA, increasingly lost relevance in the nuclear file.
During talks in Istanbul last year, European diplomats presented Iran with three conditions to avoid triggering the mechanism:
- Resumption of negotiations with the United States,
- Renewed cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA),
- Clarification of Iran’s stockpile of 400 kilograms of 60% enriched uranium.
Tehran took limited steps under its parliamentary legislation but refused to concede on core sovereignty issues. Europe, convinced it could use the snapback as its only leverage, ultimately issued a formal statement despite earlier verbal understandings aimed at avoiding escalation.
By subordinating its role to Washington’s agenda, Europe sacrificed the opportunity to establish an independent presence in West Asia.
Opportunities for Pakistan and Iran:
The SCO summit also presents opportunities for Pakistan and Iran, both full members of the organization.With their recent pledge to transform their 900-kilometre border from a zone of insecurity into one of friendship and economic growth, Islamabad and Tehran are repositioning themselves as regional connectors.
- Border Stability and Trade:
Security cooperation will facilitate the expansion of cross-border trade and the integration of Gwadar (Pakistan) and Chabahar (Iran), potentially creating a joint economic corridor that links South Asia, Central Asia, and the Gulf. - Energy Synergy:
Iran’s surplus in oil, gas, and electricity aligns naturally with Pakistan’s chronic energy shortages. The SCO platform can facilitate multilateral investment in cross-border pipelines, electricity grids, and transport networks. - Geopolitical Coordination:
Both Pakistan and Iran share a consensus on opposing Israeli aggression and instability in the region. Their cooperation within the SCO strengthens their voice on Palestine and broader Middle East issues. - Mediatory Role:
With Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff General Asim Munir recently meeting former U.S. President Donald Trump, Islamabad is positioning itself as a possible mediator between Iran and the U.S. A stable Iran–Pakistan partnership adds weight to such diplomatic efforts, especially in a forum like the SCO where both Russia and China support multipolar dialogue.
Conclusion: Beyond Pressure to Partnership:
Europe’s gamble on the snapback mechanism risks deepening its irrelevance in the Iranian nuclear file. At the same time, Tehran’s active role in the SCO summit underscores its resilience and determination to engage with Asia’s emerging powers.
For both Iran and Pakistan, the SCO presents a unique opportunity to shift from a defensive posture to a vision of regional connectivity, energy security, and economic integration. If appropriately leveraged, this cooperation could redefine not only their bilateral relationship but also their role in shaping the new Asian order—at a moment when the world is increasingly turning away from Western hegemony toward multipolar partnerships.
